Algeria has traditionally been a pioneer country in northern Africa. Its history includes the first successful War for Independence in the region against a colonial power, in 1954. It gained its official independence from France in 1962. Algeria’s position in post-colonial history has set the country as a pivotal player in international relations during the years following its independence, as well as in the gas and oil economy sectors. All this came to an end when a civil war broke out in the 1990’s, from which the country is still recovering. Since then, Algeria has entered an era of introversion and reconstitution. What changing process is the country undergoing? Is it the reason why it stays in the shadow of international events?

Saudi Arabia’s society is one of the most insular societies worldwide, appearing “immune” to the Arab awakening that swept away some of the authoritarian regimes in the MENA region and changed a number of others. However, the Kingdom now faces numerous social, political, economic and religious challenges, which must be dealt with wisely by the Royal family, as the society‘s awareness regarding its rights is growing. 

The Tunisian Revolution of January 2011 ushered a new era in the states of the Arab World. While its repercussions were plainly perceived in the cases of Libya and Egypt, one needs to assess the revolution’s lasting effects in Tunisia, as well as its influence on the democratic process of the rest of the Maghreb countries.

As the dust settles from Egypt’s so-called “popular coup” on July 3, it has become clear that Egyptian society is deeply polarized. There is a vast gulf between those who supported the army’s actions in removing President Morsi, and those from the Muslim Brotherhood who insist on the illegality of his deposition and demand his reinstatement. In the midst of this standoff, a number of activists have appeared that mistrust both sides, believing that the alternative to Islamic rule is not simply military rule. This article provides an overview of the factors leading to renewed support for the Egyptian military, suggesting considerations for those who see it as a viable alternative to the Brotherhood’s rule.

The “Gezi movement” marks one of the milestones in the recent Turkish political history. The Gezi park protests, which started from a small scale environmental demonstration in Istanbul on 31 May, have, after the violent intervention by the police forces, expanded all over the country in the form of an anti-government, or maybe more correctly as an anti-Erdo?an movement. The following paper will try to explore the ways in which the Gezi demonstrations can affect the future of the country, the political landscape and the society.

As the battle for Bani Walid continues unabated, major questions remain about what the next day of the L ibyan war will look like, not only in the Maghreb but also in a wider regional and international level. As the rebels are still sweeping the country for the last supporters of the regime and the Qadh?fi family, the Sahel is boiling, the Syrian regime staunchly refuses any concession to the protesters and in Yemen a new wave of manifestations has been met with more repression. At the other side of the Mediterranean, the E U has got the hands full into the debt crisis of its poorest members, while China and the US are coping with their own controversies and internal issues respectively.

On March 19, millions of voters rallied to polling centers to take part in Egypt’s first free and fair elections in nearly six decades. At least 25 million of Egypt’s 40 million eligible voters came out in an unprecedented turnout to cast their vote for a series of amendments to Egypt’s constitution[i], passing the referendum with the endorsement of 77 percent of voters[ii]. Specifically, the amendments limited the presidential term from six to four years, and imposed a two-term limit on each nominee. Newly elected presidents are now required to appoint a vice president within 60 days of resuming office, and presidential authority to declare a state of emergency has been circumscribed. Moreover, an article that empowered the state in the fight against terrorism was abolished due to the huge abuses of power it legitimated under the Mubarak regime. Finally, the referendum supported full judicial supervision of votes, a measure intended to ensure that free, transparent elections are held. The passing of the referendum will effectively pave the way for parliamentary elections to be held in June, followed by the presidential elections in August or September.

The flight BA2886 from London to Tunis on the 30th of January 2011[i] was not just another ordinary air cruise. Among the passengers, over 20 years the exiled Mohammed Ghanouchi, the leader of Nahda party was finally about to step on Tunisian soil, marking the end of Ben Ali’s era. An era which is reshaping the politics of Middle East, known for its sclerotic and archaic regimes. While the triumph of the Arab Street toppling the 23 years Tunisian President surprised many, the world’s attention turned over to the Egyptian protests for more than two weeks, demanding the end to Hosni Mubarak’s presidency who is ruling the country since 23 Jul 1952 and by Emergency Law since 1981.

Part of the ingrained and predominant discourse of Lebanese politics is characterized by visionary and promising elements which culminate in the image of a dream: the dream of building up Lebanon, a viable Lebanon, a stable and flourishing one and above all a sovereign Lebanon. This notion of a dream has been used by many politicians - prominent among them former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri - as one of their favourite buzzwords and has turned into a useful rhetorical means which captures Lebanese sentiments as it nurtures hope of a better future. Against the background of forthcoming elections and prearrangements for the launching of an international tribunal aimed at convicting al-Hariri's murderers the question arises what has happened to the dream: has it been deferred, become extinct or lived on?

This essay analyses the thoughts of three (3) Prominent Western Academicians on Islam-Democracy Discourse, namely jurist Khaled Abou El Fadl (b.1963, Kuwait), Professor of Law at the UCLA School of Law (USA); political scientist Abdelwahab El-Affendi (b. Sudan), Reader in Politics in University of Westminster (London); and theologian Abdulaziz Sachedina (b. 1942, Tanzania), Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Virginia (USA). These Muslim thinkers/ intellectuals have, along with others, contributed greatly to shape the theoretical understanding of "Islamic democracy" and thus have advanced this decades-old-discourse many steps further. The essay argues that the crucial issue, and the challenge ahead, faced by Muslim intellectuals is to turn the theory of Islamic democracy into a practicality.